Liberty is Still High on the Agenda

by Milli Gazete, Turkey

Milli Gazete journalist Hakan Al-Bayrak interviews Dr. Abdelwahab El-Affendi on his latest book, celebrating the Ottomans and issues of freedom and liberty in a world still governed by a two-century-old debate.

ALBAYRAK: So, the editor of a Pan-Arab magazine in Paris kindly requested you not to attack any Arab regime... I shall not do the same. But I'll ask you if there is any Arab regime you could spend some nice words about. Is there?

EL-AFFENDI: Of late, I had occasion to say some good words about the developments in Jordan and Morocco. Ironically, both are monarchies. They are referred to as "constitutional monarchies", but this term is not accurate, since the authority of the monarch there is not limited by the constitution in any significant way. But both, and in particular Morocco, have recently witnessed significant progress towards democracy and respect for Human rights. Qatar has also made significant steps towards democratisation. It is ironic that Arab monarchies appear to have a better record in human rights terms than the republics, most of which are viciously repressive.

ALBAYRAK: The cover picture of "The Media Failure in the Muslim World" is extremely dramatic: Gaspirali Ismail (Ismail Gaspirowski) under the attack of two 'takfirist' hodjas... It's obvious that you're on the side of Gaspirali. How does it come that a Sudanese Islamist becomes a supporter of a Pan-Turkist militant?

EL-AFFENDI: The choice of the cover is, I must admit, not mine. The credit in that goes to the editors of the site, who I would like to take this opportunity to praise for their diligence and professionalism. And of course I approved their choice. The whole point of the book is that you do not have to agree with someone's point of view to defend his right of self-expression. I think that this point deserves emphasis, in particular in modern Turkey.

ALBAYRAK: By the way: Did the 'takfir machine' also work against you? "Who Needs an Islamic State" was a challenging book!

EL-AFFENDI: I must say that I have been fortunate not to have had any direct encounter with the takfiri trends, so I have no idea what they are saying about the book. A couple of years ago, however, some people from the Islamic Liberation Party have circulated some rather unsavoury remarks about this author after an article in which I criticised some of their theses. The comments were so vicious that the editor of the magazine refused to publish them, but they circulated them by their own means under the title "An Open Letter to Abdelwahab El-Affendi". The book has also come under some criticism from some mainstream conservative circles. A Lebanese publisher declined to publish an Arabic translation for fear of adverse reaction, although I believe that he had been over-cautious. But I must say that the general reaction was positive. The secret is to hit the right note. Islamic reform must appeal to the convictions of true Muslims in order to succeed. Antagonising the majority is pretty counter-productive.

ALBAYRAK: We, Turks, do not know much about the Arab media. "Al-Hayat", "Al-Majalla", "MBC" are often quoted in Turkish press. What would you say about them, especially considering their political orientations?

EL-AFFENDI: The publications and stations you mentioned do their best to appear professional, and they have achieved considerable success. However, they are all Saudi-owned and run, and in this they suffer the same limitations I have indicated in the book.

ALBAYRAK: Your book starts with a French view of the Ottoman press. And you say that nothing changed since then -- censorship still rules. Does that mean that even the modern democratic republic of Turkey, a potential member of the European Community, is following the old fashioned way? Won't you dare to say the modern Turkish press is not free?

EL-AFFENDI: I could even add that the margin of freedom is considerably less today in all parts of the former Ottoman Empire than it had been a century ago. A richer variety of views, languages and groups existed then. The Republic is no exception. People cannot express their views freely. Many people have been tried and sent to jail for making remarks that some people took exception to. People cannot even wear the clothes they like. This is a considerable regression.

ALBAYRAK: 1299-1999- in February we have celebrated the 700th birthday of the Ottoman state. We know that you don't agree with their press policy. Apart from that, how do you evaluate the Ottomans?

EL-AFFENDI: My remarks refer to the press policies at a specific time: the time of ultimate decline. It is unfair to judge the Ottomans by this late period. The Ottomans have played a significant role in protecting the Muslim civilisation from a twin barbaric invasion, from Central Asia and Europe. European barbarism, exemplified by the genocidal policies of "ethnic cleansing" practised by the Crusaders in Palestine and the Catholics in Spain was a serious threat to the existence of Islam. The Mongol threat was no less serious. By defending Muslim civilisation, the Ottomans have in fact preserved civilisation itself for the whole world. That is a sufficient achievement by any standard.

ALBAYRAK: An other anniversary: The Islamic Republic of Iran is 20 years old. How does the 20th Year cerenomies in Iran effect you?

EL-AFFENDI: The Iranian revolution has raised many hopes for national liberation and Islamic Revival, and then dashed them. We are currently witnessing a second Iranian revolution, led by President Mohammed Khatami. Again this revolution is raising the hopes of those interested in democracy. This is very remarkable, for no one revolution had ever managed in embracing such a wide range of agendas. If this second revolution succeeds, then the Iranian revolution will join the American Revolution which succeeded in achieving both national liberation and democratisation. Otherwise, a collapse is inevitable.

ALBAYRAK: How about the Turabi Revolution? Are you satisfied with the regime in your country? Can we talk about a "media failure" in today's Sudan, too?

EL-AFFENDI: Sudan is another disappointment. The media is much freer today than it had been a few years back, and a multi-party system has been introduced this year. However, the performance of the Islamists in power has been disappointing overall. They have failed to seize the initiative, widen support, end the civil war or move fast enough towards democratisation. This has little to do with rulers being Islamist and a lot to do with dictatorial tendencies, short-sightedness and a lack of imagination. The Islamists in Sudan had a unique opportunity in Sudan, where the majority supports Islam, to create a genuine democracy, but they have all but lost it. It is difficult to forgive the leaders for this.

ALBAYRAK: Ustaz El Affendi, thank you for this interview.